Engaging with The End of India by Khushwant Singh

Taj Mahal, India | Photo by Josy

This book is picked to have a closer look at narratives of communalism in India. The rise of NDA over the past decades is addressed as nemesis of Islam in certain discourses. There are accounts of revisionism - ranging from triple talaq ban to cow protection measures, which are viewed as antagonistic to Islamic personal law and practices. These revisions are regarded as acts of Hindu fanatics who are driven by fascist agenda to establish a Hindu rashtra. At times, they drive a wedge between religious communities leading to social conflict.

In the book, the author tells us that communalism is here to stay. The question then is how we can nip its ugly manifestation like violence, in the bud. It is important to note that the book is written in the backdrop of Gujrat riots of 2002. It traces descriptions of events which go back to partition of India in 1947 and earlier.

The pogrom of partition is one of the bloodiest moments in Indian history. The author, who witnessed it firsthand, reminisces - “I thought the nation was coming to an end.” The chronicles of communal identity and its manifestations in the Indian subcontinent is succinctly captured in the book. Elusiveness of identity is one of the central themes. Surge of nationalism post-independence, which has thrown up provocative questions of boundaries and conflicts, are elaborately discussed. The author tells, if India will "end", it will be through an act suicide - an act committed against itself.

Secularism is considered to be a threat to Indian identity by certain sections of the society. Postcolonial India saw constitutional embracing of secularism in various degrees at different points of time. At the moment of the birth of Indian nation, the idea was not to create a religious state, as Pakistan did. Nonetheless, affirmation of religion by the state through various modalities like political mobilization, popular endorsement and targeted benefits was a lived reality. Unlike the notion of strict separation between religion and state, this approach has managed to create a villain and a sense of otherization. Politicization of religious affairs created a parallel soul-searching movement for defining the ‘true’ identity of the nation. By certain religious majority diktats, the empires of British and Muslims are ascribed as rule of the outsiders, which completely disregards prehistoric migratory patterns. Once creation of an outsider is achieved, it becomes easier to define who belongs and who does not. Modern history is replete with examples of divisiveness associated with creating identities which has resulted in violence of tragic scale. The author prophecies that rise of Hindutva forces is leading to that direction and can prove itself to be antithetical to the idea of India as a secular state.

The Gujarat riots of 2002 is a pinnacle of communal flareup which has raised many pertinent questions and enabled deeper introspection on the state of affairs. Given the sensitivity of the issue and political dimensions involved, it might appear convenient to sweep it under the carpet. Nevertheless, I appreciate the attempt by the author to talk about it - to engage on the matter, develop a critical analysis and find ways not to make it happen again.

Riots are fueled through bitterness, hatred and revenge. They are often a consequence of escalations - getting built up over time through aspersions cast against “the other”. The integrity and resilience of institutions are best tested during crises. As seen on occasions like Gujarat riots and others, police forces might succumb to fear of being mob-lynched, or being transferred by political masters if they don't toe the line. Religion-centric institutions who cultivate and promote martial arts, and manage private militia and vigilante groups, might take matters of justice onto their own hands, by sidelining democratic institutions. Such developments need careful and timely observation.

One must not forget that there exist limitations of logic, reason, sentiment and truth. Narratives of correcting historical wrongs often find their way in justifying violence. Islamic rule in India was infamous for desecration of temples and imposition of jizya. One might be tempted to use these narratives for flaring up communal passions in a divided society. In such a case how does one resist such temptations and build confidence amongst themselves for social harmony. There is no easy answer. But they deserve wider discussion and deliberation. Or else, the idea of religious tolerance relegates itself to mere lip service.

Narratives of cultural decadence also play a crucial role in shaping the definition of national identity. Certain influential leaders and scholars allude to the historical past for highlighting how societies were supposedly more peaceful, and families more stronger. Family is a time-tested social safety net in India that is experiencing nuclearization over decades. Some see it as a dilution of a robust institution - an unfortunate development. Similarly, adoption of ‘western’ tastes, lifestyle and preferences is seen as a direct threat to ‘original’ national identity. These assertions need more study and analysis, but they must not lead to forceful imposition of decrees.

Educated unemployed often find themselves dragged into violent movements. These go hand in hand with emotive depictions of ‘martyrs’ who fought for a cause in the past. Needless to say, such opportunities provide them a sounding board for venting out frustrations of not being able to meaningfully contribute to society. However, they come at a huge social cost. A concerned society must devise means to engage youth productively and ensure their efforts are not channeled towards devious activities. For that, demagogues who feed on prejudices and create fault lines for political expropriation, must be shunned out rightly.

The concept of Islam in India is under turbulence. Reforms aligned to gender equity, modern lifestyle and geographic practice are becoming part and parcel of its propagation. A new India must adopt a new religion - the author of the book suggests. Perhaps it is the right time to think on those lines - to find a common ground for coexistence, peace and prosperity. In an interview with the author, M. S. Golwalkar shows the way forward. He remarks, “The only right policy towards Muslims is to win their loyalty by love.”